New Delhi: The Patiala House Court in New Delhi on Saturday directed Delhi Police to register FIR against Hurriyat Conference leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani, writer-activist Arundhati Roy and five other accused on charge of sedition for their alleged anti-India statements.
The cases will be registered under Indian Penal Code Section 124 (A) (sedition), Section 121 (raising war against India), Section 153 (A), Section 153 (B) and Section 295 (spreading hatred and animosity between communities and groups).
The court of Metropolitan Magistrate Navita Kumari Bagha while hearing a petition filed by Sushil Pandit also directed Delhi Police to file a report on the entire incident by January 6. The other accused include Delhi University professor SAR Geelani, who was acquitted in Parliament attack case, and Jammu and Kashmir University professor Sheikh Showkat Hussain.
"The court instructed Delhi Police to file a case and investigate the case and report back. We are satisfied with the judgement," said Pandit
Pandit had filed a complaint with Delhi Police on October 28 seeking registration of FIR against Roy and Geelani for their alleged anti-India speech.
Reacting to the news Arundhati replied that she would prefer to wait for the FIR to be registered.
Earlier, during the hearing Delhi Police in its status report filed in the court said registration of FIRs against Arundhati and Geelani will not stand, as no violent incidents followed the seminar earlier this month, where they allegedly made anti-India statements.
Arundhati, during the convention on 'Azadi - The Only Way' on Kashmir in New Delhi on October 24, had said, "Kashmir has never been an integral part of India - it is a historical fact. Even the Indian government has accepted this."
Sunday, November 28, 2010
Empowering GRASSROOTS DEMOCRACY :PESA
In a report on auditing institution of the State for making democracy work, the section on Panchayats become critically important as the introduction of the Panchayat Raj system through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment is the most definitive step towards re-energizing democracy in the history of independent India. Unfortunately, this laudable initiative for decentralisation of governance has been circumvented by the alliance of elite political interests, change resistant bureaucracy and the rent seeking class, which has well entrenched interests in the continuation of a colonial centralised state structure.
The 73rd Constitutional Amendment and ensuing state Panchayat Acts are progressive in nature and provide substantial space for responsive and participatory governance. Importantly, special provision for women, OBCs, SCs and STs are in built in the Act to protect and further the interest of vulnerable and marginalised sections. The Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act provides special provision for function of Panchayats so as to protect and promote the tribal interests in accordance with the spirit of the scheduled areas as enshrined in the constitution. However, the actual implementation of the Act tells an entirely different story. In spite of the odds, the Panchayats generate some hope in a deeply troubled system of democracy. It also presents many micro examples of effective governance.
This year report is a novel experiment in tracking and auditing Panchayats from the lens of rights to food, right to work, right to health and right to education. This report also attempts a systematic audit of implementation of PESA. Some of the key highlights of this section are following:
Adjuncts of the state governments: The Panchayats function at the mercy of state governments and are usually treated as mere adjuncts of a states politico-istrative machinery. Inspite of the fact that Panchayat are democratically elected bodies and are as much a constitutional body as Parliament or state assemblies.
Broad and representative democratic leadership: India now has constitutionally mandated 232,332 village panchayats, 6,000 intermediate panchayats and 534 zilla panchayats. The three tiers of these elected bodies consist of as many as 27,75,858 village panchayat members, 1,44,491 members of the intermediate panchayat and 15,067 members of the district panchayat.
Growing women leadership: Women head about 175 District panchayats, more than 2,000 Block panchayats and about 85,000 Gram panchayats. The southern states are fairing better in promoting women leadership compared to the northern states. Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh are some of the states, which have more than 33 per cent women leadership clearly indicating that some women have been elected from general seats.
Parliamentary review Committee on local self-governance: A decade after the 73rd and 74th constitutional Amendments, a Parliamentary Committee was constituted to review their impact and progress. This committee of the 13th Lok Sabha, chaired by Chandrakant Khare, comprising of 30 members from Lok Sabha and 13 members from Rajya Sabha, reviewed the 10 years of implementation of the Amendments and expressed that this period has witnessed a willful violation of Constitution with respect to devolution of rights to Panchayats. The committee also expressed unhappiness over the Action Taken Report presented by Ministry of Rural Development where the replies furnished by the Government were evasive, vague and inconclusive.
Ineffective fiscal decentralisation: State Finance Commissions (SFCs) have been constituted and have given their recommendations. However, only four states-Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Rajasthan and West Bengal-have largely accepted the recommendations of their SFCs. In other states only some of the recommendations have been accepted. The total fund on the 29 subjects, roughly calculated to be Rs 72,000 crore, is only minimally devolved to the Panchayats. The central ministry has retained a large portion of approximately Rs 30,000 crore and an equally substantial sum is kept at the state level, which leaves only 5 to 10 per cent to be devolved to the Panchayats. Panchayats have invariably failed to generate their own revenue and are dependent on grants from the state and the centre to fulfill their responsibility. One important reason for poor resource generation by Panchayats is inadequate control of PRIs on natural, physical and human resources within their jurisdiction. Unfortunately, fiscal devolution is increasingly dependent on political pressures, market forces driven by contractors and, plain and simple corruption.
Parallel initiatives undermining Panchayats: With the evolution of PRIs, various parallel developmental schemes and institutions have been initiated directly undermining the legitimacy and role of Panchayats. MPLADS is one such scheme. It is worth noting that many of the works undertaken under the MPLAD scheme duplicate the development work taken up by the Panchayats. It is important to underscore that PRIs are starved of funds and the financial allocation under MPLADS was increased in 1999-2000 to Rs 2 crores per year for every MP. The centrally sponsored schemes (CSS) also undermine the PRIs. The share of centrally sponsored schemes (CSS) in the plan budget of central ministries has increased to 70 per cent as against 30 per cent in the early 80s. The state governments are also promoting special interest groups with vertical hierarchy and parallel authority to that of Panchayats, such as Janmabhoomi in Andhra Pradesh and Gram Vikas Samiti in Haryana. The last two to three years have been most unfortunate as the previous NDA government attempted to strengthen District Rural Development Agency (DRDA) as the principal organ at the district level for handling huge funds.
Complex procedures and lack of capacities: The governance procedures adopted for the Panchayats are extremely complex and are often a duplication of the state government rules and procedures. Particularly, the procedures of accounting adopted are very complex for the rural masses. This issue gets further compounded by the lack of skills and knowledge of the panchayat members. A study by Unnati in Rajasthan found that 40 per cent of the elected representatives were illiterates and 90 per cent of reserved category panchayat heads were elected for the first time leading to poor capacities for performing the role of panchayat representatives.
Panchayats managing primary education: Some experiences of PRI managing the local primary education are positive indicating that decentralisation and de-bureaucratisation of education can be effective and would be able to meet the local demand through locally available human resource.
Health care and Panchayats: Involvement of local bodies in public health delivery is almost negligible. Unfortunately, the capacities of local bodies for managing public health and sanitation are weak and as a result the local bodies would find it difficult to evolve and manage the public health system. Nevertheless, the partial success of experiments like Jan Swasthya Rakshak (JSR) model in MP demonstrates that community-based primary and preventive health management is possible and its institutionalization with Panchayats can make it sustainable, replicable and equitable.
Reluctance to operationalise PESA: The PESA Act is one of the most potent legislative measures of the recent times, which recognises the tribal peoples mode of living, aspirations, their culture and traditions. But the fact that in most of the state the enabling rules are not in place more than eight years after the adoption of the Act suggests that the state governments are reluctant to operationalise the PESA mandate.
Ignoring the spirit of PESA: The state legislations have omitted some of the fundamental principles without which the spirit of PESA can never be realised. For instance, the premise in PESA that state legislations on Panchayats shall be in consonance with customary laws and among other things traditional management practices of community resources is ignored by most of the state laws.
State legislations weaken Gram Sabhas: The Gram Sabhas in the PESA Act are central pillars of governance entrusted with significant role and substantive powers. However, the state legislations, perhaps by design, through a twist of legal language have taken away powers from the Gram Sabhas.
PESA and water resources: As per PESA, the power to plan and manage minor water bodies exclusively vests in the Panchayats at appropriate level. However, no legal definition of the term minor water bodies exists in the statute books. The states in their conformity legislations have also not defined the term leading to ambiguity and scope of interpretation by the bureaucracy.
PESA and land resources: The PESA Act mandates that there should be consultation before land acquisition for development projects and before resettling or rehabilitating persons affected by such projects. Also the Gram Sabhas and Panchayats have the power to prevent alienation of land in the Scheduled Areas and to take appropriate action to restore any alienated land of Scheduled Tribes. However, state governments have not laid rules in this regard.
What is needed today is the political will and wisdom necessary to strengthen Panchayati Raj institutions. Promoting necessary devolution of funds, functions and functionaries is a necessary condition but not sufficient in itself. What is called for is serious intervention in capacity building of elected representatives. The acid test of displayed political will be its willingness to make these institutions effective and accountable.
The 73rd Constitutional Amendment and ensuing state Panchayat Acts are progressive in nature and provide substantial space for responsive and participatory governance. Importantly, special provision for women, OBCs, SCs and STs are in built in the Act to protect and further the interest of vulnerable and marginalised sections. The Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act provides special provision for function of Panchayats so as to protect and promote the tribal interests in accordance with the spirit of the scheduled areas as enshrined in the constitution. However, the actual implementation of the Act tells an entirely different story. In spite of the odds, the Panchayats generate some hope in a deeply troubled system of democracy. It also presents many micro examples of effective governance.
This year report is a novel experiment in tracking and auditing Panchayats from the lens of rights to food, right to work, right to health and right to education. This report also attempts a systematic audit of implementation of PESA. Some of the key highlights of this section are following:
Adjuncts of the state governments: The Panchayats function at the mercy of state governments and are usually treated as mere adjuncts of a states politico-istrative machinery. Inspite of the fact that Panchayat are democratically elected bodies and are as much a constitutional body as Parliament or state assemblies.
Broad and representative democratic leadership: India now has constitutionally mandated 232,332 village panchayats, 6,000 intermediate panchayats and 534 zilla panchayats. The three tiers of these elected bodies consist of as many as 27,75,858 village panchayat members, 1,44,491 members of the intermediate panchayat and 15,067 members of the district panchayat.
Growing women leadership: Women head about 175 District panchayats, more than 2,000 Block panchayats and about 85,000 Gram panchayats. The southern states are fairing better in promoting women leadership compared to the northern states. Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh are some of the states, which have more than 33 per cent women leadership clearly indicating that some women have been elected from general seats.
Parliamentary review Committee on local self-governance: A decade after the 73rd and 74th constitutional Amendments, a Parliamentary Committee was constituted to review their impact and progress. This committee of the 13th Lok Sabha, chaired by Chandrakant Khare, comprising of 30 members from Lok Sabha and 13 members from Rajya Sabha, reviewed the 10 years of implementation of the Amendments and expressed that this period has witnessed a willful violation of Constitution with respect to devolution of rights to Panchayats. The committee also expressed unhappiness over the Action Taken Report presented by Ministry of Rural Development where the replies furnished by the Government were evasive, vague and inconclusive.
Ineffective fiscal decentralisation: State Finance Commissions (SFCs) have been constituted and have given their recommendations. However, only four states-Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Rajasthan and West Bengal-have largely accepted the recommendations of their SFCs. In other states only some of the recommendations have been accepted. The total fund on the 29 subjects, roughly calculated to be Rs 72,000 crore, is only minimally devolved to the Panchayats. The central ministry has retained a large portion of approximately Rs 30,000 crore and an equally substantial sum is kept at the state level, which leaves only 5 to 10 per cent to be devolved to the Panchayats. Panchayats have invariably failed to generate their own revenue and are dependent on grants from the state and the centre to fulfill their responsibility. One important reason for poor resource generation by Panchayats is inadequate control of PRIs on natural, physical and human resources within their jurisdiction. Unfortunately, fiscal devolution is increasingly dependent on political pressures, market forces driven by contractors and, plain and simple corruption.
Parallel initiatives undermining Panchayats: With the evolution of PRIs, various parallel developmental schemes and institutions have been initiated directly undermining the legitimacy and role of Panchayats. MPLADS is one such scheme. It is worth noting that many of the works undertaken under the MPLAD scheme duplicate the development work taken up by the Panchayats. It is important to underscore that PRIs are starved of funds and the financial allocation under MPLADS was increased in 1999-2000 to Rs 2 crores per year for every MP. The centrally sponsored schemes (CSS) also undermine the PRIs. The share of centrally sponsored schemes (CSS) in the plan budget of central ministries has increased to 70 per cent as against 30 per cent in the early 80s. The state governments are also promoting special interest groups with vertical hierarchy and parallel authority to that of Panchayats, such as Janmabhoomi in Andhra Pradesh and Gram Vikas Samiti in Haryana. The last two to three years have been most unfortunate as the previous NDA government attempted to strengthen District Rural Development Agency (DRDA) as the principal organ at the district level for handling huge funds.
Complex procedures and lack of capacities: The governance procedures adopted for the Panchayats are extremely complex and are often a duplication of the state government rules and procedures. Particularly, the procedures of accounting adopted are very complex for the rural masses. This issue gets further compounded by the lack of skills and knowledge of the panchayat members. A study by Unnati in Rajasthan found that 40 per cent of the elected representatives were illiterates and 90 per cent of reserved category panchayat heads were elected for the first time leading to poor capacities for performing the role of panchayat representatives.
Panchayats managing primary education: Some experiences of PRI managing the local primary education are positive indicating that decentralisation and de-bureaucratisation of education can be effective and would be able to meet the local demand through locally available human resource.
Health care and Panchayats: Involvement of local bodies in public health delivery is almost negligible. Unfortunately, the capacities of local bodies for managing public health and sanitation are weak and as a result the local bodies would find it difficult to evolve and manage the public health system. Nevertheless, the partial success of experiments like Jan Swasthya Rakshak (JSR) model in MP demonstrates that community-based primary and preventive health management is possible and its institutionalization with Panchayats can make it sustainable, replicable and equitable.
Reluctance to operationalise PESA: The PESA Act is one of the most potent legislative measures of the recent times, which recognises the tribal peoples mode of living, aspirations, their culture and traditions. But the fact that in most of the state the enabling rules are not in place more than eight years after the adoption of the Act suggests that the state governments are reluctant to operationalise the PESA mandate.
Ignoring the spirit of PESA: The state legislations have omitted some of the fundamental principles without which the spirit of PESA can never be realised. For instance, the premise in PESA that state legislations on Panchayats shall be in consonance with customary laws and among other things traditional management practices of community resources is ignored by most of the state laws.
State legislations weaken Gram Sabhas: The Gram Sabhas in the PESA Act are central pillars of governance entrusted with significant role and substantive powers. However, the state legislations, perhaps by design, through a twist of legal language have taken away powers from the Gram Sabhas.
PESA and water resources: As per PESA, the power to plan and manage minor water bodies exclusively vests in the Panchayats at appropriate level. However, no legal definition of the term minor water bodies exists in the statute books. The states in their conformity legislations have also not defined the term leading to ambiguity and scope of interpretation by the bureaucracy.
PESA and land resources: The PESA Act mandates that there should be consultation before land acquisition for development projects and before resettling or rehabilitating persons affected by such projects. Also the Gram Sabhas and Panchayats have the power to prevent alienation of land in the Scheduled Areas and to take appropriate action to restore any alienated land of Scheduled Tribes. However, state governments have not laid rules in this regard.
What is needed today is the political will and wisdom necessary to strengthen Panchayati Raj institutions. Promoting necessary devolution of funds, functions and functionaries is a necessary condition but not sufficient in itself. What is called for is serious intervention in capacity building of elected representatives. The acid test of displayed political will be its willingness to make these institutions effective and accountable.
Thursday, November 18, 2010
India lost $462 billion in illicit financial flows
Washington(November 17, 2010): Post independence, India lost a staggering USD 462 billion in illicit financial flows due to tax evasion, crime and corruption, a research and advocacy group said in a report Wednesday.
The report, The Drivers and Dynamics of Illicit Financial Flows from India: 1948-2008', released by Washington-based Global Financial Integrity (GFI) found that the faster rates of economic growth since economic reform started in 1991 led to a deterioration of income distribution which led to more illicit flows from the country.
According to the primary findings of the report from 1948 through 2008, India lost a total of USD 213 billion in illicit financial flows (or illegal capital flight).
These illicit financial flows were generally the product of: tax evasion, corruption, bribery and kickbacks, and criminal activities.
"The present value of India's total illicit financial flows (IFFs) is at least USD 462 billion. This is based on the short-term US Treasury bill rate as a proxy for the rate of return on assets. India's aggregate illicit flows are more than twice the current external debt of USD 230 billion," the report said.
"This report puts into stark terms the financial cost of tax evasion, corruption, and other illicit financial practices in India," said Global Financial Integrity director Raymond Baker.
"It also shows that these illicit outflows contribute to stagnating levels of poverty and an ever widening gap between India's rich and poor," he said.
From 1948 through 2008 the Indian private sector shifted away from deposits into developed country banks and moved more of its money into offshore financial centres (OFCs). The share of OFC deposits increased from 36.4 per cent in 1995 to 54.2 per cent in 2009, the report said.
"In this report we clearly demonstrate how India's underground economy is closely tied to illicit financial outflows," said, GFI lead economist and report author, Dr Dev Kar.
"The total present value of India's illicit assets held abroad accounts for approximately 72 per cent of India's underground economy. This means that almost three-quarters of the illicit assets comprising India's underground economy -- which has been estimated to account for 50 percent of India's GDP (approximately USD 640 billion at the end of
2008) ends up outside of the country," Kar said.
The report, The Drivers and Dynamics of Illicit Financial Flows from India: 1948-2008', released by Washington-based Global Financial Integrity (GFI) found that the faster rates of economic growth since economic reform started in 1991 led to a deterioration of income distribution which led to more illicit flows from the country.
According to the primary findings of the report from 1948 through 2008, India lost a total of USD 213 billion in illicit financial flows (or illegal capital flight).
These illicit financial flows were generally the product of: tax evasion, corruption, bribery and kickbacks, and criminal activities.
"The present value of India's total illicit financial flows (IFFs) is at least USD 462 billion. This is based on the short-term US Treasury bill rate as a proxy for the rate of return on assets. India's aggregate illicit flows are more than twice the current external debt of USD 230 billion," the report said.
"This report puts into stark terms the financial cost of tax evasion, corruption, and other illicit financial practices in India," said Global Financial Integrity director Raymond Baker.
"It also shows that these illicit outflows contribute to stagnating levels of poverty and an ever widening gap between India's rich and poor," he said.
From 1948 through 2008 the Indian private sector shifted away from deposits into developed country banks and moved more of its money into offshore financial centres (OFCs). The share of OFC deposits increased from 36.4 per cent in 1995 to 54.2 per cent in 2009, the report said.
"In this report we clearly demonstrate how India's underground economy is closely tied to illicit financial outflows," said, GFI lead economist and report author, Dr Dev Kar.
"The total present value of India's illicit assets held abroad accounts for approximately 72 per cent of India's underground economy. This means that almost three-quarters of the illicit assets comprising India's underground economy -- which has been estimated to account for 50 percent of India's GDP (approximately USD 640 billion at the end of
2008) ends up outside of the country," Kar said.
Wednesday, November 17, 2010
Land acquisition procedure for Vedanta University illegal: HC
The proposed Vedanta University, India's answer to Stanford and Harvard, suffered a blow after Orissa High Court ruled the land acquisition for the project in Orissa's Puri town as illegal and void.
The Rs 150 billion multi-disciplinary university is being built by Anil Agarwal Foundation, a registered not-for-profit entity controlled by family members of metal billionaire Anil Agarwal. It was proposed to spread over an area of 6892 acres on Puri-Konark marine drive overlooking the Bay of Bengal. The university, when fully operational, was to have an intake of 100,000 students with cutting-edge research facility in 95 academic disciplines. The Anil Agarwal Foundation had acquired about 4500 acres of the 6892 acres allotted to it.
But the controversial university project, work on which was stalled by the Ministry of Environment and Forest in May this year over CRZ violation, has hit a major roadblock after a two-judge bench of chief justice V Gopal Gowda and justice BP Das of Orissa High Court ruled that the land acquisition violated several existing laws and could be a threat to a existing wildlife sanctuary.
Hearing a writ petition filed by BJP member and former Puri MLA Uma Ballabh Rath in 2008, the HC today said acquisition of government land as well as land of Lord Jagannath for the university was invalid as it violated Land Acquisition (companies) Rules, 1963. The HC also ruled that Anil Agarwal Foundation was not a public limited company and hence any acquisition of land for it under Land Acquisition Act, 1894 was illegal. "The Foundation is a company under Section 25 of Companies Act and not a public limited company," the bench said, ordering that the land be returned to the original owners.
Of the 4500 acres acquired for the company, 1300 acres are Amrutamanohi land, a type of cultivable land belonging to Lord Jagannath. The crops grown in such lands are used in Lord Jagannath's kitchen. The land managed by Puri temple administration can't be traded. The Foundation also acquired about 700 acres of government land and some private land.
Reacting to the HC order, chief minister Naveen Patnaik said his government would study the order before taking any decision.
Incidentally, in March this year Orissa Lok Pal justice PK Patra had recommended a moratorium on the project till the Anil Agarwal Foundation complied with the legal provisions pointed out by the Ministry of Company Affairs for conversion of its status from private to public company. Acting on a petition of trade union leader Dwarika Mohan Mishra, the Lok Pal said the Foundation was a private company and not public company and thus the State government can’t acquire any land for any private company as per laws. The Lok Pal held that Land Acquisition Act and Section 16 of Shri Jagannath Temple Act, 1954 has been violated by the government.
The HC also said that the university project would be a threat to the wildlife at Balukhand marine sanctuary as it was situated just about 30 metres away. As per law, no construction can be allowed within 5 km of any wildlife sanctuary. Rising concerns over acquisition of 448 acres of land on Puri's sweetwater zone, the HC observed any construction on such area would hamper recharging of the sweet water zone. Puri being a coastal town has limited sweet water sources and thus solely dependent upon ground water aquifiers in Talbania area.
Puri’s sweet water zone located in Talbania in the eastern part of the town contains the sweet water aquifers which provide sweet water to the residents of the city for drinking and bathing purposes. The source of this sweet water is not from any river or stream since no such river or stream directly charges this zone.
In May 11 this year the MoEF had kept the conditional environmental and Coastal Regulatory Zone clearance of university in abeyance over allegations of irregularities, illegal and unlawful deeds by the Anil Agarwal Foundation. Though the MoEF had granted conditional environmental and CRZ clearance to the project in April this year while setting about 50 conditions, the ministry had invited objections from the public about the clearance.
With the project facing so many bottlenecks in Orissa, Vedanta officials said the project may go to States like either Andhra Pradesh or Karnataka. Karnataka has already sent feelers to Vedanta chief Anil Agarwal assuring him all support if he decided to relocate the project to the state.
VEDANTA UNIVERSITY TIMELINE
July 2006- Vedanta Foundation(now Anil Agarwal Foundation) signs MoU with Orissa government for setting up a world-class university on Puri-Konark marine drive that would be at par with the likes of Stanford and Harvard. It was hoped that the Rs 150 billion university will evolve into a large research-cum-education complex resembling Silicon Valley, the economic hub that surrounds Stanford. The university and its environs would have accommodated a liberal-arts program, an engineering school, an agriculture college, a medical campus, Olympics-grade sports facilities, townships for faculty and staff members, parklands, a resort, and even its own airport. The enrolment was to start in 2008.
Sept 2006- Land acquisition for the university starts under Land Acqusition Act and Sri Jagannath Temple Act, 1954.
Dec 2006- Proposed area of the university scaled down from 8000 acres to 6892 acres by Orissa government.
January 2007- People of 22 villages in Puri start opposing acqusition of their agricultural lands by Vedanta.
Dec 2008- Vedanta University Bill tabled in Orissa Assembly.
Dec 2008-Trade Union leader Dwarika Mohan Mishra files 3 petitions before Orissa Lok Pal justice PK Patra alleging illegalities in land acqusition for Vedanta university.
July 2009-Orissa Assembly passes the Vedanta University Bill paving way for the university.
March 2010- Lok Pal justice PK Patra recommends probe into Vedanta land deal and suggests that chief minister Naveen Patnaik may order a moratorium on the project.
April 2010-MoEF gives provisional environmental and CRZ clearance to the project saying it can't draw groundwater.
May 2010-MoEF withdraws environmental clearance from the project over allegations of irregularities, illegal and unlawful deeds by the Anil Agarwal Foundation.
Nov 2010-Orissa High Court declares land acquition for the university illegal.
Monday, November 8, 2010
Full text: Obama's address to Parliament
New Delhi: Visiting American President Barack Obama addressed the Indian Parliament on Monday. He is just the second US President to address the House after former US President Bill Clinton.
Here's the full text of Obama's address:
Mr. Vice President, Madame Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, Members of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, and most of all, the people of India.
I thank you for the great honor of addressing the representatives of more than one billion Indians and the world's largest democracy. I bring the greetings and friendship of the world's oldest democracy - the USA, including nearly three million proud and patriotic Indian Americans.
Over the past three days, my wife Michelle and I have experienced the beauty and dynamism of India and its people. From the majesty of Humayun's Tomb to the advanced technologies that are empowering farmers and women who are the backbone of Indian society. From a Diwali celebration with schoolchildren to the innovators who are fueling India's economic rise. From the university students who will chart India's future, to you - leaders who helped to bring India to this moment of promise.
At every stop, we have been welcomed with the hospitality for which Indians have always been known. So to you and the people of India, on behalf of me, Michelle and the American people, please accept our deepest thanks. Bahoot dhanyavad.
I am not the first American president to visit India. Nor will I be the last. But I am proud to visit India so early in my presidency. It is no coincidence that India is my first stop on a visit to Asia, or that this has been my longest visit to another country since becoming President.
For in Asia and around the world, India is not simply emerging; India has already emerged. And it is my firm belief that the relationship between the United States and India - bound by our shared interests and values - will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century. This is the partnership I have come here to build. This is the vision that our nations can realise together.
My confidence in our shared future is grounded in my respect for India's treasured past - a civilization that has been shaping the world for thousands of years. Indians unlocked the intricacies of the human body and the vastness of our universe. And it is no exaggeration to say that our information age is rooted in Indian innovations - including the number zero.
India not only opened our minds, she expanded our moral imagination. With religious texts that still summon the faithful to lives of dignity and discipline. With poets who imagined a future "where the mind is without fear and the head is held high." And with a man whose message of love and justice endures - the Father of your Nation, Mahatma Gandhi.
For me and Michelle, this visit has therefore held special meaning. Throughout my life, including my work as a young man on behalf of the urban poor, I have always found inspiration in the life of Gandhiji and in his simple and profound lesson to be the change we seek in the world. And just as he summoned Indians to seek their destiny, he influenced champions of equality in my own country, including a young Martin Luther King. After making his pilgrimage to India a half century ago, Dr. King called Gandhi's philosophy of non-violent resistance "the only logical and moral approach" in the struggle for justice and progress.
So we were honoured to visit the residence where Gandhi and King both stayed - Mani Bhavan. We were humbled to pay our respects at Raj Ghat. And I am mindful that I might not be standing before you today, as President of the United States, had it not been for Gandhi and the message he shared with America and the world.
An ancient civilization of science and innovation. A fundamental faith in human progress. This is the sturdy foundation upon which you have built ever since that stroke of midnight when the tricolour was raised over a free and independent India. And despite the skeptics who said that this country was simply too poor, too vast, too diverse to succeed, you surmounted overwhelming odds and became a model to the world.
Instead of slipping into starvation, you launched a Green Revolution that fed millions. Instead of becoming dependent on commodities and exports, you invested in science and technology and in your greatest resource - the Indian people. And the world sees the results, from the supercomputers you build to the Indian flag that you put on the moon.
Instead of resisting the global economy, you became one of its engines - reforming the licensing raj and unleashing an economic marvel that has lifted tens of millions from poverty and created one of the world's largest middle classes.
Instead of succumbing to division, you have shown that the strength of India - the very idea of India - is its embrace of all colours, castes and creeds. It's the diversity represented in this chamber today. It's the richness of faiths celebrated by a visitor to my hometown of Chicago more than a century ago - the renowned Swami Vivekananda. He said that, "holiness, purity and charity are not the exclusive possessions of any church in the world, and that every system has produced men and women of the most exalted character."
And instead of being lured by the false notion that progress must come at the expense of freedom, you built the institutions upon which true democracy depends - free and fair elections, which enable citizens to choose their own leaders without recourse to arms; an independent judiciary and the rule of law, which allows people to address their grievances; and a thriving free press and vibrant civil society which allows every voice to be heard. And this year, as India marks 60 years with a strong and democratic constitution, the lesson is clear: India has succeeded, not in spite of democracy; India has succeeded because of democracy.
Just as India has changed, so too has the relationship between our two nations. In the decades after independence, India advanced its interests as a proud leader of the nonaligned movement. Yet too often, the United States and India found ourselves on opposite sides of a North-South divide and estranged by a long Cold War. Those days are over.
Here in India, two successive governments led by different parties have recognized that deeper partnership with America is both natural and necessary. In the United States, both of my predecessors - one Democrat, one Republican - worked to bring us closer, leading to increased trade and a landmark civil nuclear agreement.
Since then, people in both our countries have asked: what next? How can we build on this progress and realise the full potential of our partnership? That is what I want to address today - the future that the United States seeks in an interconnected world; why I believe that India is indispensable to this vision; and how we can forge a truly global partnership - not in just one or two areas, but across many; not just for our mutual benefit, but for the world's.
Of course, only Indians can determine India's national interests and how to advance them on the world stage. But I stand before you today because I am convinced that the interests of the United States - and the interests we share with India - are best advanced in partnership.
The United States seeks security - the security of our country, allies and partners. We seek prosperity - a strong and growing economy in an open international economic system. We seek respect for universal values. And we seek a just and sustainable international order that promotes peace and security by meeting global challenges through stronger global cooperation.
To advance these interests, I have committed the United States to comprehensive engagement with the world, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. And a central pillar of this engagement is forging deeper cooperation with 21st century centers of influence - and that includes India.
Now, India is not the only emerging power in the world. But the relationship between our countries is unique. For we are two strong democracies whose constitutions begin with the same revolutionary words - "We the people." We are two great Republics dedicated to the liberty, justice and the equality of all people. And we are two free market economies where people have the freedom to pursue ideas and innovations that can change the world. This is why I believe that India and America are indispensable partners in meeting the challenges of our time.
Since taking office, I've therefore made our relationship a priority. I was proud to welcome Prime Minister Singh for the first official state visit of my presidency. For the first time ever, our governments are working together across the whole range of common challenges we face. And let me say it as clearly as I can: the United States not only welcomes India as a rising global power, we fervently support it, and we have worked to help make it a reality.
Together with our partners, we have made the G20 the premier forum for international economic cooperation, bringing more voices to the table of global economic decision-making, including India. We have increased the role of emerging economies like India at international financial institutions. We valued India's important role at Copenhagen, where, for the first time, all major economies committed to take action to confront climate change - and to stand by those actions. We salute India's long history as a leading contributor to United Nations peacekeeping missions. And we welcome India as it prepares to take its seat on the United Nations Security Council.
In short, with India assuming its rightful place in the world, we have an historic opportunity to make the relationship between our two countries a defining partnership of the century ahead. And I believe we can do so by working together in three important areas.
First, as global partners we can promote prosperity in both our countries. Together, we can create the high-tech, high-wage jobs of the future. With my visit, we are now ready to begin implementing our civil nuclear agreement. This will help meet India's growing energy needs and create thousands of jobs in both our countries.
We need to forge partnerships in high-tech sectors like defence and civil space. So we have removed Indian organizations from our so-called "entity list." And we'll work to reform our controls on exports. Both of these steps will ensure that Indian companies seeking high-tech trade and technologies from America are treated the same as our closest allies and partners.
We can pursue joint research and development to create green jobs; give Indians more access to cleaner, affordable energy; meet the commitments we made at Copenhagen; and show the possibilities of low-carbon growth.
Together, we can resist the protectionism that stifles growth and innovation. The United States remains - and will continue to remain - one of the most open economies in the world. And by opening markets and reducing barriers to foreign investment, India can realize its full economic potential as well. As G20 partners, we can make sure the global economic recovery is strong and durable. And we can keep striving for a Doha Round that is ambitious and balanced - with the courage to make the compromises that are necessary so global trade works for all economies.
Together, we can strengthen agriculture. Cooperation between Indian and American researchers and scientists sparked the Green Revolution. Today, India is a leader in using technology to empower farmers, like those I met yesterday who get free updates on market and weather conditions on their cell phones. And the United States is a leader in agricultural productivity and research. Now, as farmers and rural areas face the effects of climate change and drought, we'll work together to spark a second, more sustainable Evergreen Revolution.
Together, we're going to improve Indian weather forecasting systems before the next monsoon season. We aim to help millions of Indian farming households save water and increase productivity; improve food processing so crops don't spoil on the way to market; and enhance climate and crop forecasting to avoid losses that cripple communities and drive up food prices.
And as part of our food security initiative, we're going to share India's expertise with farmers in Africa. This is an indication of India's rise - that we can now export hard-earned expertise to countries that see India as a model for agricultural development. And that's another powerful example of how American and Indian partnership can address an urgent global challenge.
Because the wealth of a nation also depends on the health of its people, we'll continue to support India's efforts against diseases like tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS, and as global partners, we'll work to improve global health by preventing the spread of pandemic flu. And because knowledge is the currency of the 21st century, we'll increase exchanges between our students, colleges and universities, which are among the best in the world.
As we work to advance our shared prosperity, we can partner to address a second priority - our shared security. In Mumbai, I met with the courageous families and survivors of that barbaric attack. And here in this Parliament, which was itself targeted because of the democracy it represents, we honor the memory of all those who have been taken from us, including American citizens on 26/11 and Indian citizens on 9/11.
This is the bond we share. It's why we insist that nothing ever justifies the slaughter of innocent men, women and children. It's why we're working together, more closely than ever, to prevent terrorist attacks and to deepen our cooperation even further. And it's why, as strong and resilient societies, we refuse to live in fear, we will not sacrifice the values and rule of law that defines us, and we will never waver in the defense of our people.
America's fight against Al-Qaida and its terrorist affiliates is why we persevere in Afghanistan, where major development assistance from India has improved the lives of the Afghan people. We're making progress in our mission to break the Taliban's momentum and to train Afghan forces so they can take the lead for their security. And while I have made it clear that American forces will begin the transition to Afghan responsibility next summer, I have also made it clear that America's commitment to the Afghan people will endure. The United States will not abandon the people of Afghanistan - or the region - to the violent extremists who threaten us all.
Our strategy to disrupt, dismantle and defeat Al-Qaida and its affiliates has to succeed on both sides of the border. That is why we have worked with the Pakistani government to address the threat of terrorist networks in the border region. The Pakistani government increasingly recognises that these networks are not just a threat outside of Pakistan - they are a threat to the Pakistani people, who have suffered greatly at the hands of violent extremists.
And we will continue to insist to Pakistan's leaders that terrorist safe-havens within their borders are unacceptable, and that the terrorists behind the Mumbai attacks be brought to justice. We must also recognise that all of us have and interest in both an Afghanistan and a Pakistan that is stable, prosperous and democratic - and none more so than India.
In pursuit of regional security, we will continue to welcome dialogue between India and Pakistan, even as we recognize that disputes between your two countries can only be resolved by the people of your two countries.
More broadly, India and the United States can partner in Asia. Today, the United States is once again playing a leadership role in Asia - strengthening old alliances; deepening relationships, as we are doing with China; and we're reengaging with regional organizations like ASEAN and joining the East Asia summit - organizations in which India is also a partner. Like your neighbours in Southeast Asia, we want India to not only "look East," we want India to "engage East" - because it will increase the security and prosperity of all our nations.
And as two global leaders, the United States and India can partner for global security - especially as India serves on the Security Council over the next two years. Indeed, the just and sustainable international order that America seeks includes a United Nations that is efficient, effective, credible and legitimate. That is why I can say today - in the years ahead, I look forward to a reformed UN Security Council that includes India as a permanent member.
Now, let me suggest that with increased power comes increased responsibility. The United Nations exists to fulfill its founding ideals of preserving peace and security, promoting global cooperation, and advancing human rights. These are the responsibilities of all nations, but especially those that seek to lead in the 21st century. And so we look forward to working with India - and other nations that aspire to Security Council membership - to ensure that the Security Council is effective; that resolutions are implemented and sanctions are enforced; and that we strengthen the international norms which recognise the rights and responsibilities of all nations and individuals.
This includes our responsibility to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. Since I took office, the United States has reduced the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and agreed with Russia to reduce our arsenals. We have put preventing nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism at the top of our nuclear agenda, and strengthened the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation regime - the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Together, the United States and India can pursue our goal of securing the world's vulnerable nuclear materials. We can make it clear that even as every nation has the right to peaceful nuclear energy, every nation must also meet its international obligations - and that includes the Islamic Republic of Iran. And together, we can pursue a vision that Indian leaders have espoused since Independence - a world without nuclear weapons.
This leads me to the final area where our countries can partner - strengthening the foundations of democratic governance, not only at home but abroad.
In the United States, my administration has worked to make government more open and transparent and accountable to the people. Here in India, you're harnessing technologies to do the same, as I saw yesterday.Your landmark Right to Information Act is empowering citizens with the ability to get the services to which they're entitled and to hold officials accountable. Voters can get information about candidates by text message. And you're delivering education and health care services to rural communities, as I saw yesterday when I joined an e-panchayat with villagers in Rajasthan.
Now, in a new collaboration on open government, our two countries are going to share our experience, identify what works, and develop the next-generation of tools to empower citizens. And in another example of how American and Indian partnership can address global challenges, we're going to share these innovations with civil society groups and countries around the world. We're going to show that democracy, more than any other form of government, delivers for the common man - and woman.
Likewise, when Indians vote, the whole world watches. Thousands of political parties, hundreds of thousands of polling centres. Millions of candidates and poll workers, and 700 million voters. There's nothing like it on the planet. There is so much that countries transitioning to democracy could learn from India's experience; so much expertise that India could share with the world. That, too, is what's possible when the world's largest democracy embraces its role as a global leader.
As the world's two largest democracies, we must also never forget that the price of our own freedom is standing up for the freedom of others. Indians know this, for it is the story of your nation. Before he ever began his struggle for Indian independence, Gandhi stood up for the rights of Indians in South Africa. Just as others, including the United States, supported Indian Independence, India championed the self-determination of peoples from Africa to Asia as they too broke free from colonialism. And along with the United States, you've been a leader in supporting democratic development and civil society groups around the world. This, too, is part of India's greatness.
Every country will follow its own path. No one nation has a monopoly on wisdom, and no nation should ever try to impose its values on another. But when peaceful democratic movements are suppressed - as in Burma - then the democracies of the world cannot remain silent. For it is unacceptable to gun down peaceful protesters and incarcerate political prisoners decade after decade. It is unacceptable to hold the aspirations of an entire people hostage to the greed and paranoia of a bankrupt regime. It is unacceptable to steal an election, as the regime in Burma has done again for all the world to see.
Faced with such gross violations of human rights, it is the responsibility of the international community - especially leaders like the United States and India - to condemn it. If I can be frank, in international fora, India has often avoided these issues. But speaking up for those who cannot do so for themselves is not interfering in the affairs of other countries. It's not violating the rights of sovereign nations. It's staying true to our democratic principles. It's giving meaning to the human rights that we say are universal. And it sustains the progress that in Asia and around the world has helped turn dictatorships into democracies and ultimately increased our security in the world.
Promoting shared prosperity, preserving peace and security, strengthening democratic governance and human rights - these are the responsibilities of leadership. And, as global partners, this is the leadership that the United States and India can offer in the 21st century. Ultimately, however, this cannot be a relationship only between presidents and prime ministers, or in the halls of this Parliament. Ultimately, this must be a partnership between our peoples. So I want to conclude by speaking directly to the people of India watching today.
In your lives, you have overcome odds that might have overwhelmed a lesser country. In just decades, you have achieved progress and development that took other nations centuries. And now you are assuming your rightful place as a leader among nations. Your parents and grandparents imagined this. Your children and grandchildren will look back on this. But only you - this generation of Indians - can seize the possibility of this moment.
As you carry on with the hard work ahead, I want every Indian citizen to know: The United States of America will not simply be cheering you on from the sidelines. We will be right there with you, shoulder to shoulder. Because we believe in the promise of India. And we believe that the future is what we make it.
We believe that no matter who you are or where you come from, every person can fulfill their God-given potential, just as a Dalit like Dr. Ambedkar could lift himself up and pen the words of the Constitution that protects the rights of all Indians.
We believe that no matter where you live - whether a village in Punjab or the bylanes of Chandni Chowk...an old section of Kolkata or a new high-rise in Bangalore - every person deserves the same chance to live in security and dignity, to get an education, to find work, and to give their children a better future.
And we believe that when countries and cultures put aside old habits and attitudes that keep people apart, when we recognize our common humanity, then we can begin to fulfill the aspirations we share. It's a simple lesson contained in that collection of stories which has guided Indians for centuries - the Panchtantra. And it's the spirit of the inscription seen by all who enter this Great Hall: 'That one is mine and the other a stranger is the concept of little minds. But to the large-hearted, the world itself is their family."
This is the story of India; it's the story of America - that despite their differences, people can see themselves in one another, and work together and succeed together as one proud nation. And it can be the spirit of the partnership between our nations - that even as we honour the histories which in different times kept us apart, even as we preserve what makes us unique in a globalised world, we can recognise how much we can achieve together.
And if we let this simple concept be our guide, if we pursue the vision I have described today - a global partnership to meet global challenges - then I have no doubt that future generations - Indians and Americans - will live in a world that is more prosperous, more secure, and more just because of the bonds that our generation forged today.
Thank you, Jai Hind!, and long live the partnership between India and the United States.
Here's the full text of Obama's address:
Mr. Vice President, Madame Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, Members of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, and most of all, the people of India.
I thank you for the great honor of addressing the representatives of more than one billion Indians and the world's largest democracy. I bring the greetings and friendship of the world's oldest democracy - the USA, including nearly three million proud and patriotic Indian Americans.
Over the past three days, my wife Michelle and I have experienced the beauty and dynamism of India and its people. From the majesty of Humayun's Tomb to the advanced technologies that are empowering farmers and women who are the backbone of Indian society. From a Diwali celebration with schoolchildren to the innovators who are fueling India's economic rise. From the university students who will chart India's future, to you - leaders who helped to bring India to this moment of promise.
At every stop, we have been welcomed with the hospitality for which Indians have always been known. So to you and the people of India, on behalf of me, Michelle and the American people, please accept our deepest thanks. Bahoot dhanyavad.
I am not the first American president to visit India. Nor will I be the last. But I am proud to visit India so early in my presidency. It is no coincidence that India is my first stop on a visit to Asia, or that this has been my longest visit to another country since becoming President.
For in Asia and around the world, India is not simply emerging; India has already emerged. And it is my firm belief that the relationship between the United States and India - bound by our shared interests and values - will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century. This is the partnership I have come here to build. This is the vision that our nations can realise together.
My confidence in our shared future is grounded in my respect for India's treasured past - a civilization that has been shaping the world for thousands of years. Indians unlocked the intricacies of the human body and the vastness of our universe. And it is no exaggeration to say that our information age is rooted in Indian innovations - including the number zero.
India not only opened our minds, she expanded our moral imagination. With religious texts that still summon the faithful to lives of dignity and discipline. With poets who imagined a future "where the mind is without fear and the head is held high." And with a man whose message of love and justice endures - the Father of your Nation, Mahatma Gandhi.
For me and Michelle, this visit has therefore held special meaning. Throughout my life, including my work as a young man on behalf of the urban poor, I have always found inspiration in the life of Gandhiji and in his simple and profound lesson to be the change we seek in the world. And just as he summoned Indians to seek their destiny, he influenced champions of equality in my own country, including a young Martin Luther King. After making his pilgrimage to India a half century ago, Dr. King called Gandhi's philosophy of non-violent resistance "the only logical and moral approach" in the struggle for justice and progress.
So we were honoured to visit the residence where Gandhi and King both stayed - Mani Bhavan. We were humbled to pay our respects at Raj Ghat. And I am mindful that I might not be standing before you today, as President of the United States, had it not been for Gandhi and the message he shared with America and the world.
An ancient civilization of science and innovation. A fundamental faith in human progress. This is the sturdy foundation upon which you have built ever since that stroke of midnight when the tricolour was raised over a free and independent India. And despite the skeptics who said that this country was simply too poor, too vast, too diverse to succeed, you surmounted overwhelming odds and became a model to the world.
Instead of slipping into starvation, you launched a Green Revolution that fed millions. Instead of becoming dependent on commodities and exports, you invested in science and technology and in your greatest resource - the Indian people. And the world sees the results, from the supercomputers you build to the Indian flag that you put on the moon.
Instead of resisting the global economy, you became one of its engines - reforming the licensing raj and unleashing an economic marvel that has lifted tens of millions from poverty and created one of the world's largest middle classes.
Instead of succumbing to division, you have shown that the strength of India - the very idea of India - is its embrace of all colours, castes and creeds. It's the diversity represented in this chamber today. It's the richness of faiths celebrated by a visitor to my hometown of Chicago more than a century ago - the renowned Swami Vivekananda. He said that, "holiness, purity and charity are not the exclusive possessions of any church in the world, and that every system has produced men and women of the most exalted character."
And instead of being lured by the false notion that progress must come at the expense of freedom, you built the institutions upon which true democracy depends - free and fair elections, which enable citizens to choose their own leaders without recourse to arms; an independent judiciary and the rule of law, which allows people to address their grievances; and a thriving free press and vibrant civil society which allows every voice to be heard. And this year, as India marks 60 years with a strong and democratic constitution, the lesson is clear: India has succeeded, not in spite of democracy; India has succeeded because of democracy.
Just as India has changed, so too has the relationship between our two nations. In the decades after independence, India advanced its interests as a proud leader of the nonaligned movement. Yet too often, the United States and India found ourselves on opposite sides of a North-South divide and estranged by a long Cold War. Those days are over.
Here in India, two successive governments led by different parties have recognized that deeper partnership with America is both natural and necessary. In the United States, both of my predecessors - one Democrat, one Republican - worked to bring us closer, leading to increased trade and a landmark civil nuclear agreement.
Since then, people in both our countries have asked: what next? How can we build on this progress and realise the full potential of our partnership? That is what I want to address today - the future that the United States seeks in an interconnected world; why I believe that India is indispensable to this vision; and how we can forge a truly global partnership - not in just one or two areas, but across many; not just for our mutual benefit, but for the world's.
Of course, only Indians can determine India's national interests and how to advance them on the world stage. But I stand before you today because I am convinced that the interests of the United States - and the interests we share with India - are best advanced in partnership.
The United States seeks security - the security of our country, allies and partners. We seek prosperity - a strong and growing economy in an open international economic system. We seek respect for universal values. And we seek a just and sustainable international order that promotes peace and security by meeting global challenges through stronger global cooperation.
To advance these interests, I have committed the United States to comprehensive engagement with the world, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. And a central pillar of this engagement is forging deeper cooperation with 21st century centers of influence - and that includes India.
Now, India is not the only emerging power in the world. But the relationship between our countries is unique. For we are two strong democracies whose constitutions begin with the same revolutionary words - "We the people." We are two great Republics dedicated to the liberty, justice and the equality of all people. And we are two free market economies where people have the freedom to pursue ideas and innovations that can change the world. This is why I believe that India and America are indispensable partners in meeting the challenges of our time.
Since taking office, I've therefore made our relationship a priority. I was proud to welcome Prime Minister Singh for the first official state visit of my presidency. For the first time ever, our governments are working together across the whole range of common challenges we face. And let me say it as clearly as I can: the United States not only welcomes India as a rising global power, we fervently support it, and we have worked to help make it a reality.
Together with our partners, we have made the G20 the premier forum for international economic cooperation, bringing more voices to the table of global economic decision-making, including India. We have increased the role of emerging economies like India at international financial institutions. We valued India's important role at Copenhagen, where, for the first time, all major economies committed to take action to confront climate change - and to stand by those actions. We salute India's long history as a leading contributor to United Nations peacekeeping missions. And we welcome India as it prepares to take its seat on the United Nations Security Council.
In short, with India assuming its rightful place in the world, we have an historic opportunity to make the relationship between our two countries a defining partnership of the century ahead. And I believe we can do so by working together in three important areas.
First, as global partners we can promote prosperity in both our countries. Together, we can create the high-tech, high-wage jobs of the future. With my visit, we are now ready to begin implementing our civil nuclear agreement. This will help meet India's growing energy needs and create thousands of jobs in both our countries.
We need to forge partnerships in high-tech sectors like defence and civil space. So we have removed Indian organizations from our so-called "entity list." And we'll work to reform our controls on exports. Both of these steps will ensure that Indian companies seeking high-tech trade and technologies from America are treated the same as our closest allies and partners.
We can pursue joint research and development to create green jobs; give Indians more access to cleaner, affordable energy; meet the commitments we made at Copenhagen; and show the possibilities of low-carbon growth.
Together, we can resist the protectionism that stifles growth and innovation. The United States remains - and will continue to remain - one of the most open economies in the world. And by opening markets and reducing barriers to foreign investment, India can realize its full economic potential as well. As G20 partners, we can make sure the global economic recovery is strong and durable. And we can keep striving for a Doha Round that is ambitious and balanced - with the courage to make the compromises that are necessary so global trade works for all economies.
Together, we can strengthen agriculture. Cooperation between Indian and American researchers and scientists sparked the Green Revolution. Today, India is a leader in using technology to empower farmers, like those I met yesterday who get free updates on market and weather conditions on their cell phones. And the United States is a leader in agricultural productivity and research. Now, as farmers and rural areas face the effects of climate change and drought, we'll work together to spark a second, more sustainable Evergreen Revolution.
Together, we're going to improve Indian weather forecasting systems before the next monsoon season. We aim to help millions of Indian farming households save water and increase productivity; improve food processing so crops don't spoil on the way to market; and enhance climate and crop forecasting to avoid losses that cripple communities and drive up food prices.
And as part of our food security initiative, we're going to share India's expertise with farmers in Africa. This is an indication of India's rise - that we can now export hard-earned expertise to countries that see India as a model for agricultural development. And that's another powerful example of how American and Indian partnership can address an urgent global challenge.
Because the wealth of a nation also depends on the health of its people, we'll continue to support India's efforts against diseases like tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS, and as global partners, we'll work to improve global health by preventing the spread of pandemic flu. And because knowledge is the currency of the 21st century, we'll increase exchanges between our students, colleges and universities, which are among the best in the world.
As we work to advance our shared prosperity, we can partner to address a second priority - our shared security. In Mumbai, I met with the courageous families and survivors of that barbaric attack. And here in this Parliament, which was itself targeted because of the democracy it represents, we honor the memory of all those who have been taken from us, including American citizens on 26/11 and Indian citizens on 9/11.
This is the bond we share. It's why we insist that nothing ever justifies the slaughter of innocent men, women and children. It's why we're working together, more closely than ever, to prevent terrorist attacks and to deepen our cooperation even further. And it's why, as strong and resilient societies, we refuse to live in fear, we will not sacrifice the values and rule of law that defines us, and we will never waver in the defense of our people.
America's fight against Al-Qaida and its terrorist affiliates is why we persevere in Afghanistan, where major development assistance from India has improved the lives of the Afghan people. We're making progress in our mission to break the Taliban's momentum and to train Afghan forces so they can take the lead for their security. And while I have made it clear that American forces will begin the transition to Afghan responsibility next summer, I have also made it clear that America's commitment to the Afghan people will endure. The United States will not abandon the people of Afghanistan - or the region - to the violent extremists who threaten us all.
Our strategy to disrupt, dismantle and defeat Al-Qaida and its affiliates has to succeed on both sides of the border. That is why we have worked with the Pakistani government to address the threat of terrorist networks in the border region. The Pakistani government increasingly recognises that these networks are not just a threat outside of Pakistan - they are a threat to the Pakistani people, who have suffered greatly at the hands of violent extremists.
And we will continue to insist to Pakistan's leaders that terrorist safe-havens within their borders are unacceptable, and that the terrorists behind the Mumbai attacks be brought to justice. We must also recognise that all of us have and interest in both an Afghanistan and a Pakistan that is stable, prosperous and democratic - and none more so than India.
In pursuit of regional security, we will continue to welcome dialogue between India and Pakistan, even as we recognize that disputes between your two countries can only be resolved by the people of your two countries.
More broadly, India and the United States can partner in Asia. Today, the United States is once again playing a leadership role in Asia - strengthening old alliances; deepening relationships, as we are doing with China; and we're reengaging with regional organizations like ASEAN and joining the East Asia summit - organizations in which India is also a partner. Like your neighbours in Southeast Asia, we want India to not only "look East," we want India to "engage East" - because it will increase the security and prosperity of all our nations.
And as two global leaders, the United States and India can partner for global security - especially as India serves on the Security Council over the next two years. Indeed, the just and sustainable international order that America seeks includes a United Nations that is efficient, effective, credible and legitimate. That is why I can say today - in the years ahead, I look forward to a reformed UN Security Council that includes India as a permanent member.
Now, let me suggest that with increased power comes increased responsibility. The United Nations exists to fulfill its founding ideals of preserving peace and security, promoting global cooperation, and advancing human rights. These are the responsibilities of all nations, but especially those that seek to lead in the 21st century. And so we look forward to working with India - and other nations that aspire to Security Council membership - to ensure that the Security Council is effective; that resolutions are implemented and sanctions are enforced; and that we strengthen the international norms which recognise the rights and responsibilities of all nations and individuals.
This includes our responsibility to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. Since I took office, the United States has reduced the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and agreed with Russia to reduce our arsenals. We have put preventing nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism at the top of our nuclear agenda, and strengthened the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation regime - the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Together, the United States and India can pursue our goal of securing the world's vulnerable nuclear materials. We can make it clear that even as every nation has the right to peaceful nuclear energy, every nation must also meet its international obligations - and that includes the Islamic Republic of Iran. And together, we can pursue a vision that Indian leaders have espoused since Independence - a world without nuclear weapons.
This leads me to the final area where our countries can partner - strengthening the foundations of democratic governance, not only at home but abroad.
In the United States, my administration has worked to make government more open and transparent and accountable to the people. Here in India, you're harnessing technologies to do the same, as I saw yesterday.Your landmark Right to Information Act is empowering citizens with the ability to get the services to which they're entitled and to hold officials accountable. Voters can get information about candidates by text message. And you're delivering education and health care services to rural communities, as I saw yesterday when I joined an e-panchayat with villagers in Rajasthan.
Now, in a new collaboration on open government, our two countries are going to share our experience, identify what works, and develop the next-generation of tools to empower citizens. And in another example of how American and Indian partnership can address global challenges, we're going to share these innovations with civil society groups and countries around the world. We're going to show that democracy, more than any other form of government, delivers for the common man - and woman.
Likewise, when Indians vote, the whole world watches. Thousands of political parties, hundreds of thousands of polling centres. Millions of candidates and poll workers, and 700 million voters. There's nothing like it on the planet. There is so much that countries transitioning to democracy could learn from India's experience; so much expertise that India could share with the world. That, too, is what's possible when the world's largest democracy embraces its role as a global leader.
As the world's two largest democracies, we must also never forget that the price of our own freedom is standing up for the freedom of others. Indians know this, for it is the story of your nation. Before he ever began his struggle for Indian independence, Gandhi stood up for the rights of Indians in South Africa. Just as others, including the United States, supported Indian Independence, India championed the self-determination of peoples from Africa to Asia as they too broke free from colonialism. And along with the United States, you've been a leader in supporting democratic development and civil society groups around the world. This, too, is part of India's greatness.
Every country will follow its own path. No one nation has a monopoly on wisdom, and no nation should ever try to impose its values on another. But when peaceful democratic movements are suppressed - as in Burma - then the democracies of the world cannot remain silent. For it is unacceptable to gun down peaceful protesters and incarcerate political prisoners decade after decade. It is unacceptable to hold the aspirations of an entire people hostage to the greed and paranoia of a bankrupt regime. It is unacceptable to steal an election, as the regime in Burma has done again for all the world to see.
Faced with such gross violations of human rights, it is the responsibility of the international community - especially leaders like the United States and India - to condemn it. If I can be frank, in international fora, India has often avoided these issues. But speaking up for those who cannot do so for themselves is not interfering in the affairs of other countries. It's not violating the rights of sovereign nations. It's staying true to our democratic principles. It's giving meaning to the human rights that we say are universal. And it sustains the progress that in Asia and around the world has helped turn dictatorships into democracies and ultimately increased our security in the world.
Promoting shared prosperity, preserving peace and security, strengthening democratic governance and human rights - these are the responsibilities of leadership. And, as global partners, this is the leadership that the United States and India can offer in the 21st century. Ultimately, however, this cannot be a relationship only between presidents and prime ministers, or in the halls of this Parliament. Ultimately, this must be a partnership between our peoples. So I want to conclude by speaking directly to the people of India watching today.
In your lives, you have overcome odds that might have overwhelmed a lesser country. In just decades, you have achieved progress and development that took other nations centuries. And now you are assuming your rightful place as a leader among nations. Your parents and grandparents imagined this. Your children and grandchildren will look back on this. But only you - this generation of Indians - can seize the possibility of this moment.
As you carry on with the hard work ahead, I want every Indian citizen to know: The United States of America will not simply be cheering you on from the sidelines. We will be right there with you, shoulder to shoulder. Because we believe in the promise of India. And we believe that the future is what we make it.
We believe that no matter who you are or where you come from, every person can fulfill their God-given potential, just as a Dalit like Dr. Ambedkar could lift himself up and pen the words of the Constitution that protects the rights of all Indians.
We believe that no matter where you live - whether a village in Punjab or the bylanes of Chandni Chowk...an old section of Kolkata or a new high-rise in Bangalore - every person deserves the same chance to live in security and dignity, to get an education, to find work, and to give their children a better future.
And we believe that when countries and cultures put aside old habits and attitudes that keep people apart, when we recognize our common humanity, then we can begin to fulfill the aspirations we share. It's a simple lesson contained in that collection of stories which has guided Indians for centuries - the Panchtantra. And it's the spirit of the inscription seen by all who enter this Great Hall: 'That one is mine and the other a stranger is the concept of little minds. But to the large-hearted, the world itself is their family."
This is the story of India; it's the story of America - that despite their differences, people can see themselves in one another, and work together and succeed together as one proud nation. And it can be the spirit of the partnership between our nations - that even as we honour the histories which in different times kept us apart, even as we preserve what makes us unique in a globalised world, we can recognise how much we can achieve together.
And if we let this simple concept be our guide, if we pursue the vision I have described today - a global partnership to meet global challenges - then I have no doubt that future generations - Indians and Americans - will live in a world that is more prosperous, more secure, and more just because of the bonds that our generation forged today.
Thank you, Jai Hind!, and long live the partnership between India and the United States.
Saturday, November 6, 2010
Barak Obama's full speech before india visit
Following is the full text of the remarks made by US President Barack Obama on the October Jobs Report in which he mentions about his India visit:
Good morning, everybody. We are in the middle of a tough fight to get our economy growing faster, so that businesses across our country can open and expand, so that people can find good jobs, and so that we can repair the terrible damage that was done by the worst recession in our lifetimes. Today we received some encouraging news. Based on today's jobs report, we've now seen private-sector job growth for 10 straight months. That means that since January, the private sector has added 1.1 million jobs.
Let me repeat, over the course of the last several months, we've seen over a million jobs added to the American economy. In October, the private sector has added 159,000 jobs. And we learned that businesses added more than 100,000 jobs in both August and September as well.
So we have now seen four months of private-sector job growth above 100,000 [jobs], which is the first time we have seen this kind of increase in over four years.
Now, that is not good enough. The unemployment rate is still unacceptably high and we have got a lot of work to do. This recession caused a great deal of hardship and it put millions of people out of work.
So in order to repair this damage, in order to create the jobs to meet the large need, we need to accelerate our economic growth so that we are producing jobs at a faster pace.
Because the fact is an encouraging jobs report does not make a difference if you are still one of the millions of people who are looking for work. And I won't be satisfied until everybody who is looking for a job can find one.
So we have got to keep fighting for every job, for every new business, for every opportunity to get this economy moving.
And just as we passed a small business jobs bill based on ideas from both parties and the private sector, I am open to any idea, any proposal, any way we can get the economy growing faster so that people who need work can find it faster.
This includes tax breaks for small businesses, like deferring taxes on new equipment, so that they've got an incentive to expand and hire, as well as tax cuts to make it cheaper for entrepreneurs to start companies.
This includes building new infrastructure, from high-speed trains to high-speed Internet, so that our economy can run faster and smarter. It includes promoting research and innovation, and creating incentives in growth sectors like the clean energy economy.
And it certainly includes keeping tax rates low for middle-class families and extending unemployment benefits to help those hardest hit by the downturn while generating more demand in the economy.
It's also absolutely clear that one of the keys to creating jobs is to open markets to American goods made by American workers. Our prosperity depends not just on consuming things, but also on being the maker of things.
In fact, for every $1 billion we increase in exports, thousands of jobs are supported here at home. And that is why I've set a goal of doubling America's exports over the next five years.
And that's why on the trip that I am about to take, I am going to be talking about opening up additional markets in places like India, so that American businesses can sell more products abroad in order to create more jobs here at home.
And this is a reminder as well that the most important competition we face in this new century will not be between Democrats and Republicans. It is the competition with countries around the world to lead the global economy.
And our success or failure in this race will depend on whether we can come together as a nation. Our future depends on putting politics aside to solve problems, to worry about the next generation instead of the next election.
We cannot spend the next two years mired in gridlock. Other countries, like China, aren't standing still. So we can't stand still either. We've got to move forward. I'm confident that if we can do that, if we can work together, then this country will not only recover, but it will prosper. And I am looking very much forward to helping to pry some markets open, help American businesses, and put people back to work here at home during the course of this trip.
Good morning, everybody. We are in the middle of a tough fight to get our economy growing faster, so that businesses across our country can open and expand, so that people can find good jobs, and so that we can repair the terrible damage that was done by the worst recession in our lifetimes. Today we received some encouraging news. Based on today's jobs report, we've now seen private-sector job growth for 10 straight months. That means that since January, the private sector has added 1.1 million jobs.
Let me repeat, over the course of the last several months, we've seen over a million jobs added to the American economy. In October, the private sector has added 159,000 jobs. And we learned that businesses added more than 100,000 jobs in both August and September as well.
So we have now seen four months of private-sector job growth above 100,000 [jobs], which is the first time we have seen this kind of increase in over four years.
Now, that is not good enough. The unemployment rate is still unacceptably high and we have got a lot of work to do. This recession caused a great deal of hardship and it put millions of people out of work.
So in order to repair this damage, in order to create the jobs to meet the large need, we need to accelerate our economic growth so that we are producing jobs at a faster pace.
Because the fact is an encouraging jobs report does not make a difference if you are still one of the millions of people who are looking for work. And I won't be satisfied until everybody who is looking for a job can find one.
So we have got to keep fighting for every job, for every new business, for every opportunity to get this economy moving.
And just as we passed a small business jobs bill based on ideas from both parties and the private sector, I am open to any idea, any proposal, any way we can get the economy growing faster so that people who need work can find it faster.
This includes tax breaks for small businesses, like deferring taxes on new equipment, so that they've got an incentive to expand and hire, as well as tax cuts to make it cheaper for entrepreneurs to start companies.
This includes building new infrastructure, from high-speed trains to high-speed Internet, so that our economy can run faster and smarter. It includes promoting research and innovation, and creating incentives in growth sectors like the clean energy economy.
And it certainly includes keeping tax rates low for middle-class families and extending unemployment benefits to help those hardest hit by the downturn while generating more demand in the economy.
It's also absolutely clear that one of the keys to creating jobs is to open markets to American goods made by American workers. Our prosperity depends not just on consuming things, but also on being the maker of things.
In fact, for every $1 billion we increase in exports, thousands of jobs are supported here at home. And that is why I've set a goal of doubling America's exports over the next five years.
And that's why on the trip that I am about to take, I am going to be talking about opening up additional markets in places like India, so that American businesses can sell more products abroad in order to create more jobs here at home.
And this is a reminder as well that the most important competition we face in this new century will not be between Democrats and Republicans. It is the competition with countries around the world to lead the global economy.
And our success or failure in this race will depend on whether we can come together as a nation. Our future depends on putting politics aside to solve problems, to worry about the next generation instead of the next election.
We cannot spend the next two years mired in gridlock. Other countries, like China, aren't standing still. So we can't stand still either. We've got to move forward. I'm confident that if we can do that, if we can work together, then this country will not only recover, but it will prosper. And I am looking very much forward to helping to pry some markets open, help American businesses, and put people back to work here at home during the course of this trip.
Obama begins India tour, pays tribute to 26/11 martyrs in Mumbai
Obama begins India tour, pays tribute to 26/11 martyrs in Mumbai 9hundred crores for security expenditure on Barak Obama's India visit. The amount is similar to the 3months budget expenditure of Orissa, One of the poorest state of India. Why this huge expenditure? only for a defense deal, and to create 17thousand job oppertunities in USA. In this Vist for the sake of non violence ould India ask to withdraw army base from Indian ocean, Pakistan, afganistan, japan, vietnam, south korea. If we say it will strengthen our defense and security program, then should Barak Obama support India to carve a paln for an attack on POK( from where terroirsts trained to attack India), what america did in afganistan, Iraq????????? if India cannot do this, and Obama hesitate to give his node for this, then why we indians should welcome?????? Vande Maataram
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